La revista El Temps fa 25 anys

25 anys de ser als quioscos setmanalment, una revista d'informació general, escrita en català, des de la ciutat de València, amb vocació d'arribar a tot l'àmbit lingüístic.

25 anys dels quals els darrers 14 ha estat mancada de cap ajut oficial, via subvencions o contractació d'anuncis oficials.

25 anys d'una revista que ha volgut, des del primer moment, prendre referència en el Time neoiorquí, i que ha combinat eficaçment la informació d'actualitat, amb els reportatges d'investigació i les columnes d'opinió.

25 anys d'una revista, un dels fundadors de la qual, l'escriptor i assagista Joan Fuster, va donar una pesseta, perquè: "total, pel que durarà..."

I tanmateix, cada setmana al quiosc, cada setmana (n'estic subscrit) rebuda per correu a casa. Sempre interessant, sempre certera.

25 anys ja d'El Temps.

Que en pugues fer molts més, i que els teus lectors puguem seguir gaudint de la teva tenacitat.

Crònica de Ramon Muntaner (CCLXV)

Les desgràcies se succeeixen. Al capítol anterior, el cronista ens havia contat que la sogra de Ferran de Mallorca havia mort feia uns mesos, encara que la filla no ho sabia.

Ara ens conta que la dona d'en Ferran morirà de febres puerperals al mes escàs del part de Jaume, qui arribarà a rei de Mallorca sota el nom de Jaume III de Mallorca, però no adelantem aconteixements.

Muntaner ret a Frederic de Sicília les possessions de Djerba i els Querquens, i renova el seu oferiment a Ferran per seguir-lo al Peloponès.

CCLXV

¿Qué os diré? Plugo a Dios que la infanta abandonara esta vida a los treinta y dos días de haber alumbrado a su hijo; muriendo en los brazos del señor infante. Y nunca vio nadie tal duelo como el del señor infante, y el de toda la ciudad; y tal como correspondía a persona tan pura e inocente, con gran solemnidad, bien confesada, y comulgada, y ungida con los santos óleos, la dispusieron en un bello sepulcro contiguo al del cuerpo de la bienaventurada madona santa Ágata, en su bendita iglesia de la ciudad de Catània.

Y luego de haber ocurrido esta gran desgracia, el señor infante se acercó a Messina para embarcarse y zarpar hacia la Morea. Y yo acudí adonde el señor rey, a quien encontré en Plaça; y de Plaça fuimos a Palerm, y ante el noble En Bernat de Sarrià y muchos otros ricoshombre, caballeros y ciudadanos de Sicilia, le rendí los castillos y las islas de Gerba y de los Querquenes. Y plazca a Dios que todos aquellos que bien nos quieren puedan rendir tan buenas cuentas de lo que se les ha encomendado, como se las rendí yo al señor rey, de dichas islas, las cuales mantuve durante siete años, a saber, primero dos años durante la guerra, y luego tres años cuando me las entregó como premio, y más tarde dos años durante la guerra del rey Robert.

Y le entregué las islas, y le rendí cuentas, y recibí su carta de finiquito. Y ya en mi poder la carta, me despedí del señor rey, y regresé junto al señor infante, al que encontré en Messina, preparándose para embarcar. Y yo le dije que para seguirle había venido y subir a las galeras, y ofrecerle todo cuanto tuviera; y el día que esto le dije, me respondió que al día siguiente me respondería. Y a la mañana siguiente, una vez oída misa, hizo acudir gran cantidad de caballeros y de buena gente, y ante todos ellos me dijo:

- En Ramon Muntaner: sin duda sois la persona en el mundo a quien nos más obligado nos encontramos, más que a ningún otro.

Y siguió diciendo muy buenas palabras, y recordó cómo por su causa y en su servicio, yo había perdido todo cuanto traía de Romania; y más todavía, cómo fui encarcelado en su compañía; y cómo el rey Robert, por su causa, me había hecho mucho daño; y cómo yo, en Romania le había prestado dinero, y cómo yo había abandonado todo cuanto tenía; abandonando incluso todos los beneficios de mi compañía por él; y contó otros muchos servicios que ni yo recordaba, pero que él entendía que yo le había prestado; y como ahora, por su amor, había dejado la capitanía de Gerba y de los Querquenes, la cual había ejercido durante siete años.

- E incluso, me ha prestado en este momento todo el dinero, en doblas, que tenía. Y así, tantos son los servicios que vos me habéis prestado, que no os los podría recompensar con nada. Y ahora hemos llegado a una ocasión en que el servicio que os queremos rogar que nos prestéis superará a todos vuestros servicios anteriores. Y así os rogamos, ante estos caballeros, que nos prometáis que nos lo concederéis.

Y yo me levanté, y fui a besarle la mano, y le di muchas gracias por todo lo bueno que de mí había dicho, y por considerarse servido por mí. Y le dije:

- Señor empezad a ordenar todo cuanto queréis que haga que, mientras mi cuerpo aguante, en nada os fallaré, señor, de lo que vos ordenéis.

- Ahora, ¿sabéis qué es lo que nos queremos que vos hagáis por nos? Nos os lo diremos. Indudablemente mucho nos convendría que vinierais con nos en este viaje, que mucho os necesitaríamos, y seguro que nos haréis gran falta, pero es tan vital para nosotros el servicio que queremos pediros, que ultrapasa cualquier otra consideración.

Tian-Anmen en la memòria.

Avui fa vint anys que a la Plaça de Tian Anmen, la Plaça de la Porta de la Pau Celestial, s'hi va instal·lar la pau dels cementiris, i els tancs de l'exèrcit roig dispararen contra els milers de xinesos que s'havien atrevit a demanar més democràcia.

Quants morts i ferits n'hi hagué?. A hores d'ara encara no ho sabem, perquè el govern xinès ha practicat la tàctica de l'ocultació i la censura. Però no ens equivocarem gaire si n'estimem al voltant de 10.000 entre morts i ferits.

Avui, vull portar-vos l'editorial de Vicent Partal a Vilaweb, perquè ens cal no oblidar aquesta data negra per a la humanitat, negra i nefasta per a tots nosaltres.

Ple de dolor, encara

Fa vint anys a Pequín, avui, l'exèrcit posà fi a la revolta democràtica que havien capitanejat els estudiants de Beida. Vaig passar moltes hores treballant-hi i encara em dol el seu record. Van matar-ne molts, tants que no sabem ni com comptar-los. Van ferir-ne molts més. Van haver de viure presó o exili un nombre intolerable de joves que pensaven que era possible canviar no el món en abstracte, sinó el seu país concret. Avui la Xina és un país que no té res a veure amb el que era llavors, però la censura implacable que vam veure fa vint anys la repeteixen encara amb més duresa. I enmig de tants missatges conciliadors alguna cosa deu voler dir...

Quan hagueren passat unes quantes setmanes de la matança del 4 de juny el govern xinès va emprendre una intensa campanya negant que ningú haguera mort a Tian Anmen. I quan ja no podien més i se'ls acumulaven les proves, van provar de distreure l'atenció matisant que a la plaça de Tian Anmen no va haver-hi morts, però que ells no deien que no n'hi poguera haver als carrers adjacents. Fa vint anys que fan servir aquesta tàctica. Allargar la incertesa, sembrar el dubte...

Pels xinesos, sobretot pels que manen, el concepte del temps té una elasticitat que, a nosaltres, ens resulta estranya. Recorde l'estupor d'una agra discussió amb un dels seus caps de premsa. Quan l'atacàvem amb més duresa va aturar els discurs i ens va etzibar: 'Com ens voleu donar lliçons de govern a nosaltres, que ja manàvem ací quan vosaltres encara no havíeu bastit Atenes!' A banda l'estupor pel fet que un comunista assumira d'aquella manera el passat xinès més remot, la frase era notable perquè feia visible una mentalitat en la qual els canvis poden necessitar no anys ni dècades, sinó segles.

I és això que ens volen vendre aquests dies. Ens ho volen vendre quan ens diuen que la Xina ha canviat a millor i que cal tenir paciència perquè arribe la democràcia. Ens demanen que acceptem resignats que els ciutadans xinesos no tenen els mateixos drets que nosaltres perquè encara ha de passar més temps... Quant? I com que, a més, fan diners i fan moure l'economia mundial, sembla fins i tot que més val que no els irritem.

Però, mentrestant, vint anys després!, continuem sense cap explicació ni cap investigació oficial sobre d'allò que va passar aquella nit. Vint anys després continuem sense saber qui es fa responsable de la llarga llista de morts i desapareguts. Vint anys després continuem sense veure canvis polítics reals a la Xina. Però no perquè el poble estiga satisfet. Perquè, si el poble ho estiguera, no caldria aplicar la fèrria censura aquestes darreres hores ha tornat a caure sobre els ciutadans de la república popular com si fóra una nova gran muralla.

Avui els governs occidentals, com han anat fent tots aquests vint anys, faran alguna declaració solemne, però demà continuarem fent negocis. Diuen que un gran polític americà va dir allò que 'els Estats Units no tenen amics, només tenen interessos'. Si ningú vol aplicar aquesta frase al conjunt d'occident, d'aquest occident que calla empetitit i poruc davant els dirigents xinesos, amb mi que no hi compte. El dolor per aquella generació em crema a dins des de fa vint anys i avui, especialment avui, vull viure'l amb tota la intensitat possible, sense calmants. Perquè la memòria d'aquells valents s'ho val, perquè els seus somnis perduren.

Vicent Partal

director@vilaweb.cat

Discurs d'Obama al Caire

Text del discurs pronunciat pel president dels Estats Units Mr. Obama, a la Universitat Al-Azhar d'El Cairo, avui 04 de Juny de 2009

I am honored to be in the timeless city of Cairo, and to be hosted by two remarkable institutions. For over a thousand years, Al-Azhar has stood as a beacon of Islamic learning, and for over a century, Cairo University has been a source of Egypt's advancement. Together, you represent the harmony between tradition and progress. I am grateful for your hospitality, and the hospitality of the people of Egypt. I am also proud to carry with me the goodwill of the American people, and a greeting of peace from Muslim communities in my country: assalaamu alaykum.

We meet at a time of tension between the United States and Muslims around the world – tension rooted in historical forces that go beyond any current policy debate. The relationship between Islam and the West includes centuries of co-existence and cooperation, but also conflict and religious wars. More recently, tension has been fed by colonialism that denied rights and opportunities to many Muslims, and a Cold War in which Muslim-majority countries were too often treated as proxies without regard to their own aspirations. Moreover, the sweeping change brought by modernity and globalization led many Muslims to view the West as hostile to the traditions of Islam.

Violent extremists have exploited these tensions in a small but potent minority of Muslims. The attacks of September 11th, 2001 and the continued efforts of these extremists to engage in violence against civilians has led some in my country to view Islam as inevitably hostile not only to America and Western countries, but also to human rights. This has bred more fear and mistrust.

So long as our relationship is defined by our differences, we will empower those who sow hatred rather than peace, and who promote conflict rather than the cooperation that can help all of our people achieve justice and prosperity. This cycle of suspicion and discord must end.

I have come here to seek a new beginning between the United States and Muslims around the world; one based upon mutual interest and mutual respect; and one based upon the truth that America and Islam are not exclusive, and need not be in competition. Instead, they overlap, and share common principles – principles of justice and progress; tolerance and the dignity of all human beings.

I do so recognizing that change cannot happen overnight. No single speech can eradicate years of mistrust, nor can I answer in the time that I have all the complex questions that brought us to this point. But I am convinced that in order to move forward, we must say openly the things we hold in our hearts, and that too often are said only behind closed doors. There must be a sustained effort to listen to each other; to learn from each other; to respect one another; and to seek common ground. As the Holy Koran tells us, "Be conscious of God and speak always the truth." That is what I will try to do – to speak the truth as best I can, humbled by the task before us, and firm in my belief that the interests we share as human beings are far more powerful than the forces that drive us apart.

Part of this conviction is rooted in my own experience. I am a Christian, but my father came from a Kenyan family that includes generations of Muslims. As a boy, I spent several years in Indonesia and heard the call of the azaan at the break of dawn and the fall of dusk. As a young man, I worked in Chicago communities where many found dignity and peace in their Muslim faith.

As a student of history, I also know civilization's debt to Islam. It was Islam – at places like Al-Azhar University – that carried the light of learning through so many centuries, paving the way for Europe's Renaissance and Enlightenment. It was innovation in Muslim communities that developed the order of algebra; our magnetic compass and tools of navigation; our mastery of pens and printing; our understanding of how disease spreads and how it can be healed. Islamic culture has given us majestic arches and soaring spires; timeless poetry and cherished music; elegant calligraphy and places of peaceful contemplation. And throughout history, Islam has demonstrated through words and deeds the possibilities of religious tolerance and racial equality.

I know, too, that Islam has always been a part of America's story. The first nation to recognize my country was Morocco. In signing the Treaty of Tripoli in 1796, our second President John Adams wrote, "The United States has in itself no character of enmity against the laws, religion or tranquility of Muslims." And since our founding, American Muslims have enriched the United States. They have fought in our wars, served in government, stood for civil rights, started businesses, taught at our Universities, excelled in our sports arenas, won Nobel Prizes, built our tallest building, and lit the Olympic Torch. And when the first Muslim-American was recently elected to Congress, he took the oath to defend our Constitution using the same Holy Koran that one of our Founding Fathers – Thomas Jefferson – kept in his personal library.

So I have known Islam on three continents before coming to the region where it was first revealed. That experience guides my conviction that partnership between America and Islam must be based on what Islam is, not what it isn't. And I consider it part of my responsibility as President of the United States to fight against negative stereotypes of Islam wherever they appear.

But that same principle must apply to Muslim perceptions of America. Just as Muslims do not fit a crude stereotype, America is not the crude stereotype of a self-interested empire. The United States has been one of the greatest sources of progress that the world has ever known. We were born out of revolution against an empire. We were founded upon the ideal that all are created equal, and we have shed blood and struggled for centuries to give meaning to those words – within our borders, and around the world. We are shaped by every culture, drawn from every end of the Earth, and dedicated to a simple concept: E pluribus unum: "Out of many, one."

Much has been made of the fact that an African-American with the name Barack Hussein Obama could be elected President. But my personal story is not so unique. The dream of opportunity for all people has not come true for everyone in America, but its promise exists for all who come to our shores – that includes nearly seven million American Muslims in our country today who enjoy incomes and education that are higher than average.

Moreover, freedom in America is indivisible from the freedom to practice one's religion. That is why there is a mosque in every state of our union, and over 1,200 mosques within our borders. That is why the U.S. government has gone to court to protect the right of women and girls to wear the hijab, and to punish those who would deny it.

So let there be no doubt: Islam is a part of America. And I believe that America holds within her the truth that regardless of race, religion, or station in life, all of us share common aspirations – to live in peace and security; to get an education and to work with dignity; to love our families, our communities, and our God. These things we share. This is the hope of all humanity.

Of course, recognizing our common humanity is only the beginning of our task. Words alone cannot meet the needs of our people. These needs will be met only if we act boldly in the years ahead; and if we understand that the challenges we face are shared, and our failure to meet them will hurt us all.

For we have learned from recent experience that when a financial system weakens in one country, prosperity is hurt everywhere. When a new flu infects one human being, all are at risk. When one nation pursues a nuclear weapon, the risk of nuclear attack rises for all nations. When violent extremists operate in one stretch of mountains, people are endangered across an ocean. And when innocents in Bosnia and Darfur are slaughtered, that is a stain on our collective conscience. That is what it means to share this world in the 21st century. That is the responsibility we have to one another as human beings.

This is a difficult responsibility to embrace. For human history has often been a record of nations and tribes subjugating one another to serve their own interests. Yet in this new age, such attitudes are self-defeating. Given our interdependence, any world order that elevates one nation or group of people over another will inevitably fail. So whatever we think of the past, we must not be prisoners of it. Our problems must be dealt with through partnership; progress must be shared.

That does not mean we should ignore sources of tension. Indeed, it suggests the opposite: we must face these tensions squarely. And so in that spirit, let me speak as clearly and plainly as I can about some specific issues that I believe we must finally confront together.

The first issue that we have to confront is violent extremism in all of its forms.

In Ankara, I made clear that America is not – and never will be – at war with Islam. We will, however, relentlessly confront violent extremists who pose a grave threat to our security. Because we reject the same thing that people of all faiths reject: the killing of innocent men, women, and children. And it is my first duty as President to protect the American people.

The situation in Afghanistan demonstrates America's goals, and our need to work together. Over seven years ago, the United States pursued al Qaeda and the Taliban with broad international support. We did not go by choice, we went because of necessity. I am aware that some question or justify the events of 9/11. But let us be clear: al Qaeda killed nearly 3,000 people on that day. The victims were innocent men, women and children from America and many other nations who had done nothing to harm anybody. And yet Al Qaeda chose to ruthlessly murder these people, claimed credit for the attack, and even now states their determination to kill on a massive scale. They have affiliates in many countries and are trying to expand their reach. These are not opinions to be debated; these are facts to be dealt with.

Make no mistake: we do not want to keep our troops in Afghanistan. We seek no military bases there. It is agonizing for America to lose our young men and women. It is costly and politically difficult to continue this conflict. We would gladly bring every single one of our troops home if we could be confident that there were not violent extremists in Afghanistan and Pakistan determined to kill as many Americans as they possibly can. But that is not yet the case.

That's why we're partnering with a coalition of forty-six countries. And despite the costs involved, America's commitment will not weaken. Indeed, none of us should tolerate these extremists. They have killed in many countries. They have killed people of different faiths – more than any other, they have killed Muslims. Their actions are irreconcilable with the rights of human beings, the progress of nations, and with Islam. The Holy Koran teaches that whoever kills an innocent, it is as if he has killed all mankind; and whoever saves a person, it is as if he has saved all mankind. The enduring faith of over a billion people is so much bigger than the narrow hatred of a few. Islam is not part of the problem in combating violent extremism – it is an important part of promoting peace.

We also know that military power alone is not going to solve the problems in Afghanistan and Pakistan. That is why we plan to invest $1.5 billion each year over the next five years to partner with Pakistanis to build schools and hospitals, roads and businesses, and hundreds of millions to help those who have been displaced. And that is why we are providing more than $2.8 billion to help Afghans develop their economy and deliver services that people depend upon.

Let me also address the issue of Iraq. Unlike Afghanistan, Iraq was a war of choice that provoked strong differences in my country and around the world. Although I believe that the Iraqi people are ultimately better off without the tyranny of Saddam Hussein, I also believe that events in Iraq have reminded America of the need to use diplomacy and build international consensus to resolve our problems whenever possible. Indeed, we can recall the words of Thomas Jefferson, who said: "I hope that our wisdom will grow with our power, and teach us that the less we use our power the greater it will be."

Today, America has a dual responsibility: to help Iraq forge a better future – and to leave Iraq to Iraqis. I have made it clear to the Iraqi people that we pursue no bases, and no claim on their territory or resources. Iraq's sovereignty is its own. That is why I ordered the removal of our combat brigades by next August. That is why we will honor our agreement with Iraq's democratically-elected government to remove combat troops from Iraqi cities by July, and to remove all our troops from Iraq by 2012. We will help Iraq train its Security Forces and develop its economy. But we will support a secure and united Iraq as a partner, and never as a patron.

And finally, just as America can never tolerate violence by extremists, we must never alter our principles. 9/11 was an enormous trauma to our country. The fear and anger that it provoked was understandable, but in some cases, it led us to act contrary to our ideals. We are taking concrete actions to change course. I have unequivocally prohibited the use of torture by the United States, and I have ordered the prison at Guantanamo Bay closed by early next year.

So America will defend itself respectful of the sovereignty of nations and the rule of law. And we will do so in partnership with Muslim communities which are also threatened. The sooner the extremists are isolated and unwelcome in Muslim communities, the sooner we will all be safer.

The second major source of tension that we need to discuss is the situation between Israelis, Palestinians and the Arab world.

America's strong bonds with Israel are well known. This bond is unbreakable. It is based upon cultural and historical ties, and the recognition that the aspiration for a Jewish homeland is rooted in a tragic history that cannot be denied.

Around the world, the Jewish people were persecuted for centuries, and anti-Semitism in Europe culminated in an unprecedented Holocaust. Tomorrow, I will visit Buchenwald, which was part of a network of camps where Jews were enslaved, tortured, shot and gassed to death by the Third Reich. Six million Jews were killed – more than the entire Jewish population of Israel today. Denying that fact is baseless, ignorant, and hateful. Threatening Israel with destruction – or repeating vile stereotypes about Jews – is deeply wrong, and only serves to evoke in the minds of Israelis this most painful of memories while preventing the peace that the people of this region deserve.

On the other hand, it is also undeniable that the Palestinian people – Muslims and Christians – have suffered in pursuit of a homeland. For more than sixty years they have endured the pain of dislocation. Many wait in refugee camps in the West Bank, Gaza, and neighboring lands for a life of peace and security that they have never been able to lead. They endure the daily humiliations – large and small – that come with occupation. So let there be no doubt: the situation for the Palestinian people is intolerable. America will not turn our backs on the legitimate Palestinian aspiration for dignity, opportunity, and a state of their own.

For decades, there has been a stalemate: two peoples with legitimate aspirations, each with a painful history that makes compromise elusive. It is easy to point fingers – for Palestinians to point to the displacement brought by Israel's founding, and for Israelis to point to the constant hostility and attacks throughout its history from within its borders as well as beyond. But if we see this conflict only from one side or the other, then we will be blind to the truth: the only resolution is for the aspirations of both sides to be met through two states, where Israelis and Palestinians each live in peace and security.

That is in Israel's interest, Palestine's interest, America's interest, and the world's interest. That is why I intend to personally pursue this outcome with all the patience that the task requires. The obligations that the parties have agreed to under the Road Map are clear. For peace to come, it is time for them – and all of us – to live up to our responsibilities.

Palestinians must abandon violence. Resistance through violence and killing is wrong and does not succeed. For centuries, black people in America suffered the lash of the whip as slaves and the humiliation of segregation. But it was not violence that won full and equal rights. It was a peaceful and determined insistence upon the ideals at the center of America's founding. This same story can be told by people from South Africa to South Asia; from Eastern Europe to Indonesia. It's a story with a simple truth: that violence is a dead end. It is a sign of neither courage nor power to shoot rockets at sleeping children, or to blow up old women on a bus. That is not how moral authority is claimed; that is how it is surrendered.

Now is the time for Palestinians to focus on what they can build. The Palestinian Authority must develop its capacity to govern, with institutions that serve the needs of its people. Hamas does have support among some Palestinians, but they also have responsibilities. To play a role in fulfilling Palestinian aspirations, and to unify the Palestinian people, Hamas must put an end to violence, recognize past agreements, and recognize Israel's right to exist.

At the same time, Israelis must acknowledge that just as Israel's right to exist cannot be denied, neither can Palestine's. The United States does not accept the legitimacy of continued Israeli settlements. This construction violates previous agreements and undermines efforts to achieve peace. It is time for these settlements to stop.

Israel must also live up to its obligations to ensure that Palestinians can live, and work, and develop their society. And just as it devastates Palestinian families, the continuing humanitarian crisis in Gaza does not serve Israel's security; neither does the continuing lack of opportunity in the West Bank. Progress in the daily lives of the Palestinian people must be part of a road to peace, and Israel must take concrete steps to enable such progress.

Finally, the Arab States must recognize that the Arab Peace Initiative was an important beginning, but not the end of their responsibilities. The Arab-Israeli conflict should no longer be used to distract the people of Arab nations from other problems. Instead, it must be a cause for action to help the Palestinian people develop the institutions that will sustain their state; to recognize Israel's legitimacy; and to choose progress over a self-defeating focus on the past.

America will align our policies with those who pursue peace, and say in public what we say in private to Israelis and Palestinians and Arabs. We cannot impose peace. But privately, many Muslims recognize that Israel will not go away. Likewise, many Israelis recognize the need for a Palestinian state. It is time for us to act on what everyone knows to be true.

Too many tears have flowed. Too much blood has been shed. All of us have a responsibility to work for the day when the mothers of Israelis and Palestinians can see their children grow up without fear; when the Holy Land of three great faiths is the place of peace that God intended it to be; when Jerusalem is a secure and lasting home for Jews and Christians and Muslims, and a place for all of the children of Abraham to mingle peacefully together as in the story of Isra, when Moses, Jesus, and Mohammed (peace be upon them) joined in prayer.

The third source of tension is our shared interest in the rights and responsibilities of nations on nuclear weapons.

This issue has been a source of tension between the United States and the Islamic Republic of Iran. For many years, Iran has defined itself in part by its opposition to my country, and there is indeed a tumultuous history between us. In the middle of the Cold War, the United States played a role in the overthrow of a democratically-elected Iranian government. Since the Islamic Revolution, Iran has played a role in acts of hostage-taking and violence against U.S. troops and civilians. This history is well known. Rather than remain trapped in the past, I have made it clear to Iran's leaders and people that my country is prepared to move forward. The question, now, is not what Iran is against, but rather what future it wants to build.

It will be hard to overcome decades of mistrust, but we will proceed with courage, rectitude and resolve. There will be many issues to discuss between our two countries, and we are willing to move forward without preconditions on the basis of mutual respect. But it is clear to all concerned that when it comes to nuclear weapons, we have reached a decisive point. This is not simply about America's interests. It is about preventing a nuclear arms race in the Middle East that could lead this region and the world down a hugely dangerous path.

I understand those who protest that some countries have weapons that others do not. No single nation should pick and choose which nations hold nuclear weapons. That is why I strongly reaffirmed America's commitment to seek a world in which no nations hold nuclear weapons. And any nation – including Iran – should have the right to access peaceful nuclear power if it complies with its responsibilities under the nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty. That commitment is at the core of the Treaty, and it must be kept for all who fully abide by it. And I am hopeful that all countries in the region can share in this goal.

The fourth issue that I will address is democracy.

I know there has been controversy about the promotion of democracy in recent years, and much of this controversy is connected to the war in Iraq. So let me be clear: no system of government can or should be imposed upon one nation by any other.

That does not lessen my commitment, however, to governments that reflect the will of the people. Each nation gives life to this principle in its own way, grounded in the traditions of its own people. America does not presume to know what is best for everyone, just as we would not presume to pick the outcome of a peaceful election. But I do have an unyielding belief that all people yearn for certain things: the ability to speak your mind and have a say in how you are governed; confidence in the rule of law and the equal administration of justice; government that is transparent and doesn't steal from the people; the freedom to live as you choose. Those are not just American ideas, they are human rights, and that is why we will support them everywhere.

There is no straight line to realize this promise. But this much is clear: governments that protect these rights are ultimately more stable, successful and secure. Suppressing ideas never succeeds in making them go away. America respects the right of all peaceful and law-abiding voices to be heard around the world, even if we disagree with them. And we will welcome all elected, peaceful governments – provided they govern with respect for all their people.

This last point is important because there are some who advocate for democracy only when they are out of power; once in power, they are ruthless in suppressing the rights of others. No matter where it takes hold, government of the people and by the people sets a single standard for all who hold power: you must maintain your power through consent, not coercion; you must respect the rights of minorities, and participate with a spirit of tolerance and compromise; you must place the interests of your people and the legitimate workings of the political process above your party. Without these ingredients, elections alone do not make true democracy.

The fifth issue that we must address together is religious freedom.

Islam has a proud tradition of tolerance. We see it in the history of Andalusia and Cordoba during the Inquisition. I saw it firsthand as a child in Indonesia, where devout Christians worshiped freely in an overwhelmingly Muslim country. That is the spirit we need today. People in every country should be free to choose and live their faith based upon the persuasion of the mind, heart, and soul. This tolerance is essential for religion to thrive, but it is being challenged in many different ways.

Among some Muslims, there is a disturbing tendency to measure one's own faith by the rejection of another's. The richness of religious diversity must be upheld – whether it is for Maronites in Lebanon or the Copts in Egypt. And fault lines must be closed among Muslims as well, as the divisions between Sunni and Shia have led to tragic violence, particularly in Iraq.

Freedom of religion is central to the ability of peoples to live together. We must always examine the ways in which we protect it. For instance, in the United States, rules on charitable giving have made it harder for Muslims to fulfill their religious obligation. That is why I am committed to working with American Muslims to ensure that they can fulfill zakat.

Likewise, it is important for Western countries to avoid impeding Muslim citizens from practicing religion as they see fit – for instance, by dictating what clothes a Muslim woman should wear. We cannot disguise hostility towards any religion behind the pretence of liberalism.

Indeed, faith should bring us together. That is why we are forging service projects in America that bring together Christians, Muslims, and Jews. That is why we welcome efforts like Saudi Arabian King Abdullah's Interfaith dialogue and Turkey's leadership in the Alliance of Civilizations. Around the world, we can turn dialogue into Interfaith service, so bridges between peoples lead to action – whether it is combating malaria in Africa, or providing relief after a natural disaster.

The sixth issue that I want to address is women's rights.

I know there is debate about this issue. I reject the view of some in the West that a woman who chooses to cover her hair is somehow less equal, but I do believe that a woman who is denied an education is denied equality. And it is no coincidence that countries where women are well-educated are far more likely to be prosperous.

Now let me be clear: issues of women's equality are by no means simply an issue for Islam. In Turkey, Pakistan, Bangladesh and Indonesia, we have seen Muslim-majority countries elect a woman to lead. Meanwhile, the struggle for women's equality continues in many aspects of American life, and in countries around the world.

Our daughters can contribute just as much to society as our sons, and our common prosperity will be advanced by allowing all humanity – men and women – to reach their full potential. I do not believe that women must make the same choices as men in order to be equal, and I respect those women who choose to live their lives in traditional roles. But it should be their choice. That is why the United States will partner with any Muslim-majority country to support expanded literacy for girls, and to help young women pursue employment through micro-financing that helps people live their dreams.

Finally, I want to discuss economic development and opportunity.

I know that for many, the face of globalization is contradictory. The Internet and television can bring knowledge and information, but also offensive sexuality and mindless violence. Trade can bring new wealth and opportunities, but also huge disruptions and changing communities. In all nations – including my own – this change can bring fear. Fear that because of modernity we will lose of control over our economic choices, our politics, and most importantly our identities – those things we most cherish about our communities, our families, our traditions, and our faith.

But I also know that human progress cannot be denied. There need not be contradiction between development and tradition. Countries like Japan and South Korea grew their economies while maintaining distinct cultures. The same is true for the astonishing progress within Muslim-majority countries from Kuala Lumpur to Dubai. In ancient times and in our times, Muslim communities have been at the forefront of innovation and education.

This is important because no development strategy can be based only upon what comes out of the ground, nor can it be sustained while young people are out of work. Many Gulf States have enjoyed great wealth as a consequence of oil, and some are beginning to focus it on broader development. But all of us must recognize that education and innovation will be the currency of the 21st century, and in too many Muslim communities there remains underinvestment in these areas. I am emphasizing such investments within my country. And while America in the past has focused on oil and gas in this part of the world, we now seek a broader engagement.

On education, we will expand exchange programs, and increase scholarships, like the one that brought my father to America, while encouraging more Americans to study in Muslim communities. And we will match promising Muslim students with internships in America; invest in on-line learning for teachers and children around the world; and create a new online network, so a teenager in Kansas can communicate instantly with a teenager in Cairo.

On economic development, we will create a new corps of business volunteers to partner with counterparts in Muslim-majority countries. And I will host a Summit on Entrepreneurship this year to identify how we can deepen ties between business leaders, foundations and social entrepreneurs in the United States and Muslim communities around the world.

On science and technology, we will launch a new fund to support technological development in Muslim-majority countries, and to help transfer ideas to the marketplace so they can create jobs. We will open centers of scientific excellence in Africa, the Middle East and Southeast Asia, and appoint new Science Envoys to collaborate on programs that develop new sources of energy, create green jobs, digitize records, clean water, and grow new crops. And today I am announcing a new global effort with the Organization of the Islamic Conference to eradicate polio. And we will also expand partnerships with Muslim communities to promote child and maternal health.

All these things must be done in partnership. Americans are ready to join with citizens and governments; community organizations, religious leaders, and businesses in Muslim communities around the world to help our people pursue a better life.

The issues that I have described will not be easy to address. But we have a responsibility to join together on behalf of the world we seek – a world where extremists no longer threaten our people, and American troops have come home; a world where Israelis and Palestinians are each secure in a state of their own, and nuclear energy is used for peaceful purposes; a world where governments serve their citizens, and the rights of all God's children are respected. Those are mutual interests. That is the world we seek. But we can only achieve it together.

I know there are many – Muslim and non-Muslim – who question whether we can forge this new beginning. Some are eager to stoke the flames of division, and to stand in the way of progress. Some suggest that it isn't worth the effort – that we are fated to disagree, and civilizations are doomed to clash. Many more are simply skeptical that real change can occur. There is so much fear, so much mistrust. But if we choose to be bound by the past, we will never move forward. And I want to particularly say this to young people of every faith, in every country – you, more than anyone, have the ability to remake this world.

All of us share this world for but a brief moment in time. The question is whether we spend that time focused on what pushes us apart, or whether we commit ourselves to an effort – a sustained effort – to find common ground, to focus on the future we seek for our children, and to respect the dignity of all human beings.

It is easier to start wars than to end them. It is easier to blame others than to look inward; to see what is different about someone than to find the things we share. But we should choose the right path, not just the easy path. There is also one rule that lies at the heart of every religion – that we do unto others as we would have them do unto us. This truth transcends nations and peoples – a belief that isn't new; that isn't black or white or brown; that isn't Christian, or Muslim or Jew. It's a belief that pulsed in the cradle of civilization, and that still beats in the heart of billions. It's a faith in other people, and it's what brought me here today.

We have the power to make the world we seek, but only if we have the courage to make a new beginning, keeping in mind what has been written.

The Holy Koran tells us, "O mankind! We have created you male and a female; and we have made you into nations and tribes so that you may know one another."

The Talmud tells us: "The whole of the Torah is for the purpose of promoting peace."

The Holy Bible tells us, "Blessed are the peacemakers, for they shall be called sons of God."

The people of the world can live together in peace. We know that is God's vision. Now, that must be our work here on Earth. Thank you. And may God's peace be upon you.

Crònica de Ramon Muntaner (CCLXIV)

Any 1315. El nostre cronista té 50 anys, edat avançada per l'època, està casat i amb tres fills, i és senyor d'un castell.

Tanmateix, quan li arriba la notícia que el seu amic i senyor Ferran de Mallorca, casat com hem vist al capítol anterior amb la filla i hereva de la condesa de Matagrifó, amb drets pel seu matrimoni al principat de Morea, pensa marxar a reclamar la seua herència, no ho dubta pas i acudeix a Sicília a demanar-li d'embarcar-se amb ell i tornar de nou a Grècia, a la guerra.

CCLXIV

Y al tiempo que él hacía sus preparativos, me llegaron estas nuevas a Gerba; y aunque me hubieran dado todo el oro del mundo, nadie hubiera podido detenerme ni impedirme que acudiese junto a él y que con él pasase allá a donde él fuese (1050). Así que envié mensaje al señor rey para que le pluguiese autorizarme a ir a Sicilia; y al señor rey le plugo, de modo que con una galera y un leño, acompañado de los ancianos de Gerba que vinieron conmigo, arribé a Sicilia; habiendo dejado el castillo de Gerba y la isla a buen recaudo. Y en el primer lugar en el que tomé tierra, fue en Catania donde encontré al señor infante sano y contento, y a madona la infanta gruesa, que no tardó ya ni veinte días en parir. Y me hicieron gran fiesta, y yo hice desembarcar de la galera dos balas de tapices de Trípol, y de velos y de almejías (1051) muy ricas, y de alquinales (1052) y de telas de lino y de chalecos y otras joyas, de lo que el señor infante quedó muy satisfecho. Y luego me despedí de ellos y fui a Messina, donde el señor infante me dijo que llegaría antes de quince días, y que quería hablar conmigo largo y tendido.

Y cuando llegué a Messina, no habían pasado seis días que me llegó mensaje de que madona la infanta había tenido un hermoso hijo, que nació el primer sábado de abril del año mil trescientos quince. Y Dios conceda a todos tan gran gozo como yo tuve; y si el señor infante se alegró, no hay ni que preguntarlo, y todos los de Catània, y la fiesta que se celebró en Catània duró más de ocho días. Y el señor infante lo hizo bautizar en la iglesia mayor de santa Àgata bienaventurada, y le puso el nombre de Jacme. Y si nunca nació infante con buena ventura, fue este infante En Jacme.

¿Qué os diré? Que cuando el infante fue bautizado y la madre se encontró fuera de peligro, el señor infante acudió a Messina, y en cuanto llegó a Messina yo me ofrecí a él tanto en mi persona como con mi hacienda, para seguirlo allá donde le pluguiese; cosa que mucho me agradeció, y me dijo:

- Tenéis que ir ante el señor rey, a quien encontraréis en Plaça (1053), y rendirle el castillo de Gerba, y la torre de los Querquenes y las islas; y luego regresad ante nos, y entonces dispondremos todo lo que haya que hacer.

Y así me despedí de él. Y mientras yo me despedía, le llegó mensaje para que, rápidamente, acudiese a Catània, porque madona la infanta se encontraba muy grave, que la había atacado la fiebre, y la disentería. Y de tal modo cabalgó, que aquella misma noche entró en Catània; y cuando la infanta lo vio, mejoró. Sin embargo ella había hecho testamento antes de parir, el cual confirmó entonces; por el que dejaba la baronía de Matagrifó y todos los derechos que poseía sobre el principado a su hijo el infante En Jacme, y si el infante En Jacme, su hijo, moría, se lo dejaba al infante En Ferrando. Y es verdad que hacía dos meses que su madre había muerto de enfermedad en Matagrifó, aunque ella nada sabía, ni el señor infante había permitido que nadie le contase nada mientras estaba embarazada, ni incluso, tras el alumbramiento, hasta que hubiera salido de misa. Y es por esto que el señor infante había retrasado el viaje, que no esperaba más que la infanta hubiese parido y hubiese salido a misa; e inmediatamente él y ella embarcarían, ya que todas sus cosas se encontraban en el barco.

NOTAS

1050. Estamos hablando del año 1315, con lo que el cronista, nacido en 1265, ya tiene cincuenta años, lo que para la época no es ninguna tontería.

1051. Almejías. Tunicas árabes también usadas por los cristianos

1052. Tocas o velos usados por las mujeres.

1053. Plaça. Supongo que se trata de Piazza Armerina en el centro de la Isla.

Dimecres, relats d'altri. Strip-tease (I). Jesús Moncada

Qui haja viscut a un poblet petit, allunyat de la gran capital, comprendrà aquests vellets jubilats, xafarders i curiosos, que van de bar en bar jugant al dòmino, al xamelo, o a la botifarra, o prenen el sol als bancs de la plaça.

Una altra història de Jesús Moncada, al llibre de contes "Històries de la mà esquerra"

STRIP-TEASE (I)

La mosca va deixar guerxo de l'ull dret el monjo pintat a l'etiqueta d'un flascó de licor d'herbes que hi havia a l'últim prestatge; després es va aviar a una galta del cafeter Silveri.

-Coi de bestioles! -va remugar aquest mentre s'espolsava l'insecte amb el drap d'eixugar les eines-. Aquesta tarda estan apegaloses.

La mosca va fer un vol fins al rellotge de paret; d'allí va esbandir-la la primera campanada de les quatre i, a l'últim, va fer cap a la taula de billar i es va posar sobre una bola blanca.

Silveri va recolzar-se altra vegada en el taulell. Després del batibull del migdia, a l'establiment no hi quedava una ànima, fora dels quatre vellets que mataven les hores vora el finestral arran del carrer. Una olor de licor i de tabac s'esbravava en l'atmosfera espesseïda. Sobre les taules desertes encara hi havia tasses amb deixalles de cafè, culleres, copes i baralles greixoses escampades sobre els tapets verds, tots clivellats de cremades de cigar.

-Sempre el mateix -va filosofar Silveri, carregat de mandra-. Ara em posaré a fer neteja; encara no hauré endreçat la darrera tassa, es farà hora de plegar els miners, es tornarà a omplir el local i començarà altre cop la saragata. M'ho tornaran a fotre tot damunt davall. I quan se'n vagin, que no marxarien mai, au, Silveri, torna a recollir, que no has fet res... Si d'això se'n diu viure...! Tant de bo no vingués ningú, no em donarien més que una alegria! Però no! Cada dia ve més gent! Sembla que s'hagin dit: “Ara anirem tots al cafè de Silverí per fer-li l'arquet.” Per què no se'n van al Central o a qualsevol altre lloc? Dimoni! Sembla que en tot el poble no hi hagi altre cafè que el meu!

Aleshores entrava el vell Ibars, llaüter jubilat.

-Com va, oncle -va saludar Silveri.

El vell no va contestar. Amb les seves passes nervioses, travessà el cafè i va anar a la taula on eren els seus amics.

-Au! -es va dir Silveri, mosquejat-. Ni mitja paraula! Qui s'ha penjat, avui? Es veu que al vell li va per llunes: o cinc o cinquanta! Què hi farem! Tal dia farà un any!

El vell Ibars va seure amb els altres i entre tots plegats va començar un xiu-xiu misteriós; de vegades amanien la cosa amb cops de gaiata a terra i exclamacions:

-Vols dir? -feia l'avi de cal Remigi, antic miner.

-Redéu! -cridava el del Blanc.

El cafeter els mirava i movia el cap.

-Amb aquests cops de gaiata no em deixaran una rajola sencera, em faran miques l'establiment -pensava-. L'oncle Ibars ja està revolucionant els altres vells! Sempre els fa anar de coroneta! Ja m'agradaria saber quina en porta de cap, avui!

Feia calor. A la vora del cafeter, l'aixeta de la pica degotava amb monotonia. Mentre fitava els vells, Silveri va començar a sentir-se flonjo. Les parpelles se li tancaven, va repenjar-se encara més damunt el taulell. Però encara no havia encetat el primer son quan va sentir que li burxaven el colze. Va obrir un ull: era el vell Ibars.

-Què voleu, oncle? -va remugar amb resignació.

-Acosta't. Et vull fer una pregunta.

Silveri es va posar de puntetes i es va fer endavant sobre el marbre del taulell.

-Què passa?

Amb posat de misteri, l'antic llaüter va mormolar-li baixet, a cau d'orella:

-Escolta, fill. Tu saps què és una cosa que en diuen una “buat”?

-Què t'ha dit?

-Has pogut aclarir-ho?

-Miqueta -va contestar el vell Ibars-. El primer que ha fet ha estat posar-se més vermell que un tomàquet. Després, vinga gratar-se el clatell... I, tot plegat, res de res! No sap el que es pesca. Quin jovent, nois! Sembla que hagin de menjar-se el món amb quatre queixalades i a l'hora de la veritat fan figa! Ara mateix, no em direu que aquest Silveri no té l'obligació de donar raó del que li he preguntat! Perquè això de la “buat” ho ha inventat la gent d'ara. Quan nosaltres érem fadrins no n'hi havia.

-Segur!

-Nois, estem igual que abans.

-Vosaltres direu el que voldreu, però, al meu entendre, això de la “buat” deu ser cosa com ara un teatre -va insistir el vell de cal Blanc, home de riu també, que ja havia arriscat la mateixa hipòtesi abans de la consulta a Silveri.

-Tornem-hi -va fer l'oncle Ibars amb irritació-. Un teatre! A tu, quan se te'n fot una a la closca...!

-I per què no pot ser-ho? -va replicar l'altre.

-Perquè si fos un teatre, a veure per què punyetes n'haurien de dir una “buat”? Li dirien teatre i prou!

-Guaita quina! -va fer el Blanc amb sarcasme-. Tu et dius Ibars i també t'anomenen Punxafigues!

Abans que el vell Ibars no avalotés, va intervenir Sagarra:

-Au, deixem-ho córrer! Tant se val que sigui una cosa com una altra. Ja ho aclarirem, i si no ho aclarim, festa. I tu, Ibars, acaba de contar allò del Negre; ara ja ens tens a tots ensalivats i no és el cas de deixar-nos a mitges costures!

-Bé -va concedir Ibars-, ho contaré. Però si el Blanc torna a emprenyar-me, plego.

-Vinga! -va reclamar el Remigi, calafat de tota la vida, el més engrescat amb la història.

-Però conta-ho baixet -va mormolar Sagarra-. Aquest Silveri no fa altra cosa que parar l'orella i després ho xerra tot. És un xafarder!

Els cinc vellets van fer cercle. Gairebé es tocaven les viseres de les gorres.

continuarà...

STRIP-TEASE

La mosca dejó bizco del ojo derecho al monje pintado en la etiqueta del frasco de licor de hierbas que había en la última balda; después se posó sobre la mejilla de Silveri, el camarero.

-¡Cojones con los bichos! –protestó este mientras se espantaba el insecto con el trapo de secar los cubiertos-. Esta tarde están pegajosas.

La mosca voló hasta el reloj de pared; de allí la alejó la primera campanada de las cuatro y, por último, se dirigió a la mesa de billar y se posó sobre una bola blanca.
Silveri, se apoyó de nuevo en la barra. Después del jaleo de mediodía, en el bar no quedaba ni un alma, fuera de los cuatro abueletes que mataban las horas junto al ventanal que daba a la calle. Un olor de licor y tabaco se imponía en la atmósfera espesa. Sobre las mesas desiertas todavía quedaban tazas con restos de café, cucharillas, copas y barajas grasientas esparcidas sobre los tapetes verdes, agujereados de quemaduras de cigarrillo.

-Siempre lo mismo –filosofó Silveri, con aire perezoso-. Ahora me pondré a limpiar; todavía no habré acabado con la última taza, llegará la hora de salir los mineros, se volverá a llenar el local y empezará de nuevo la zarabanda. Me lo volverán a poner todo patas arriba. Y cuando se marchen, que no se irían nunca, hala, Silverio, vuelve a recoger, que no ha sido nada... Si a esto le llaman vivir... El día que no venga nadie me darán una alegría... Pero no. Cada día viene más gente. Parece que se hayan puesto de acuerdo: “Ahora iremos todos al café de Silveri para hacerle la puñeta.” ¿Por qué no se van al Central o a cualquier otro sitio? Demonios. Parece que en todo el pueblo no haya más café que el mío.

Entraba entonces el viejo Ibars, lautero jubilado.

-Qué tal, tío –saludó Silveri.

El viejo no respondió. Con sus pasos nervioso atravesó el café y fue a la mesa donde estaban sus amigos.

-Hale! –se dijo Silveri, mosqueado-. Ni media palabra. ¿Quién se ha ahorcado hoy? Se ve que al viejo le va por lunas: o cinco o cincuenta. ¡Qué le vamos a hacer! Otro día será.

El viejo Ibars se sentó con los otros y empezaron un chiu chiu misterioso entre ellos; a veces lo adornaban con golpes de bastón en tierra y exclamaciones:

-¡Qué me cuentas! –decía el abuelo de ca Remigi, antiguo minero.

-Rediós! –gritava el del Blanco.

El camarero los contemplaba y movía la cabeza.

-Con estos bastonazos no me dejarán una baldosa entera, me destrozarán el local –pensaba-. El tío Ibars ya está revolucionando a los otros viejos. Siempre les hace ir de coronilla. Ya me gustaría saber lo que se trae entre manos, hoy.

Hacía calor. Al lado del camarero, el grifo de la pileta goteaba con monotonía. Mientras observaba fijamente a los viejos, Silveri empezó a sentir sueño. Los párpados se le cerraban, se apoyó todavía más sobre la barra. Pero aún no había empezado su primer sueño cuando oyó que le tocaban el codo. Abrió un ojo: era el viejo Ibars.

-¿Qué quiere, tío? –murmuró con resignación.

-Acércate. Quiero hacerte una pregunta.

Silveri se puso de puntillas y se inclinó sobre el mármol de la barra.

-¿Qué pasa?

Con aire de misterio, el antiguo lautero le dijo muy bajito, al oído:

-Escucha, hijo. ¿Tú sabes qué es eso que llaman una “buat”?

-¿Qué te ha dicho?

-¿Has podido aclararlo?

-Algo –respondió el viejo Ibars-. Lo primero que ha hecho ha sido ponerse más colorado que un tomate. Después, venga a rascarse la nuca... Y al final, nada de nada. No sabe lo que es. Que juventud, muchachos. Parece que se hayan de merendar el mundo de cuatro bocados y a la hora de la verdad, se cagan encima. Ahora mismo, no me diréis que este Silveri no tiene la obligación de contestar a lo que le he preguntado. Porque esto de la “buat” se lo ha inventado la gente de ahora. Cuando nosotros éramos jóvenes no había.

-¡Cierto!

-¡Chicos, estamos como antes!

-Vosotros diréis lo que queráis, pero, a mi entender eso de la “buat” debe ser algo como un teatro –insistió el viejo de casa el Blanco, hombre de río también, que ya había adelantado la misma hipótesis antes de la consulta a Silveri.

-¡Otra vez! –dijo el tío Ibars con irritación-. ¡Un teatro! A tí, cuando se te mete algo en la calabaza...!

-¿Y por qué no puede ser? –replicó el otro.

-Porque si fuera un teatro, a ver, por qué cojones lo tendrían que llamar una “buat”? Lo llamarían teatro y ya está.

-¡No te jode! –dijo el Blanc con sarcasmo-. Tú eres Ibars y también te llaman Punxafigues.

-Antes de que el viejo Ibars empezara a alborotar, intervino Sagarra:

-Va, dejémoslo estar. Da lo mismo que sea una cosa u otra. Ya lo aclararemos, y si no lo aclaramos, fiesta. Y tú, Ibars, acaba de contar lo del Negre; ahora ya nos tienes a todos babeando, y no nos vamos a quedar a medias.

-Bueno –concedió Ibars-, lo contaré. Pero si el Blanc vuelve a joderme, me marcho.

-Venga –reclamó el Remigi, calafate de toda la vida, el más interesado en la historia.

-Pero no levantes la voz –murmuró Sagarra-. Este Silveri no deja de poner la antena y después lo larga todo. Es un chafardero.

Los cinco abueletes hicieron círculo. Casi se tocaban las viseras de las gorras.

continuará...

De sentències, reiterats incumpliments i cròniques deficiències

Fa pocs dies llegia la notícia de que el conseller Font de Mora havia estat denunciat pel sindicat STE-PV i per AC (Acció Cultural) per la seua contumàcia en no acceptar la titulació en filologia catalana en les oposicions a professors.

I parle de contumàcia, perquè al moment de les denúncies hi havien quinze sentències favorables a la inclusió d'aquesta rama de la filologia en pla d'igualtat amb la de filologia valenciana, nom que rep la filologia catalana en terres valencianes per imposició del govern valencià contra l'opinió de la Universitat de València.

Les raons adduïdes pel friend & son of his mother Blackberry Fountain (excuseu-me de no traduir el seu nom a l'idioma mandarí, pel que sembla la seua nova dèria educativa) són que les quinze sentències afectaven totes elles, com si no?, a oposicions passades, i no a les futures. O siga, net i pla, que continuarà passant-se pel forro dels collons les quinze sentències.

Avui podem elevar aquestes sentències a setze, aquesta última afectant a les oposicions convocades el 2006, cosa que d'acord amb la teoria del conseller supose que no voldrà dir gran cosa, i que l'ínclit personatge i forense (no és broma) continuarà fent allò que li rote dels ous.

I clar, aquesta no contractació de gent qualificada, supose que no tindrà res a veure amb la crònica deficiència de línies educatives en valencià demandades pels pares valencians que volen que els seus fills siguen valenciano-parlants i que tot fa suposar que no tenen els mateixos drets (li ho preguntem a UPyD i els seus manifests? o al Pp?) que els pares castellano-parlants.

Clar que no, on va a parar. El liberalisme dels españoles no nacionalistas només funciona en un sentit: el favorable als seus inconfessats i inconfessables interessos.

D'això en Química li déiem òsmosi, i era una forma utilitzada per netejar un fluïd de les seues impureses.

No serà això el que pretenen? Netejar d'impureses catalanes (o gallegues, o basques) La Gran Nación Española?

Clar que, possiblement, l'únic que em passa és que sóc molt mal pensat.